The British are infamous for their elegance system, their tea drinking, and, now that Elon Musk has told the global about it, the grooming, rape, trafficking, and torture of underage women through gangs most commonly of Pakistani Muslim descent. These abuses have been going on for decades. Police have documented it in at least 50 cities. The number of known sufferers is in the thousands. This can be in the loads of thousands. This at all times happens. Almost none of the perpetrators were prosecuted.

A small number of convictions were secured in the 2010s. Local inquiries were held in the northern English towns where the rape gangs were first detected. All of those towns had Labour Party MPs and a Labour-controlled local council. On Jan. 6, the Labour majority in the House of Commons voted down a Conservative amendment calling for a national inquiry.

“Anna” was from Bradford, Yorkshire. She was 14 and living in a children’s home when she said she was repeatedly raped. When she was 15, her social worker attended her “wedding,” an exchange of Muslim vows. Social arranged for her to be “deceived” through her rapist’s parents, who controlled and abused her.

In Telford, Shropshire, Azhar Ali Mehmood, 22, began searching for Lucy Lowe when he was 12. She became pregnant at 14 and gave birth to her baby. In her diary, she describes how he forced her to have sex with several older men. She became pregnant for the second time when Mehmood poured gasoline into the mailbox of her relatives’ house. The fire killed Lucy, her unborn child, and her mother.

In Anotherham, Yorkshire, 11-year-old Sarah was living in a children’s home when she was first raped. When police arrived, she and another woman were, she said, “pushed to the side of the bed, naked and without clothes. “A policeman said: “There is no one here” and left. The rapes and beatings lasted five or six years and affected between 40 and 50 men. When she reported it to the police, she was accused of lying.  

“Emma,” another Rotherham woman, was drugged and gang-ridden at age 12 and raped at 13. The gang members parked his car outside his mother’s room and threatened to rape her as well unless she allowed the abuse. continue.

“Paul,” the father of a Rotherham girl who was first raped at 14, went to the police four times. He said the police’s attitude was that “if she’s knocking about with them, they must be little slappers [promiscuous]. Let them get on with it.” After Paul’s fourth visit to the police, he was told to leave or face arrest.

One night in Oldham, near Manchester, 12-year-old “Sophie” went to a police station and told the desk officer that she had just been molested in a graveyard by a man named “Ali.” The desk officer told her to come back with an adult when she was sober. Two men accosted her in the police station. They took her to their car and then picked up a third man. The three of them raped her in the car and then dumped her on the street. Lost, she asked a man named Sarwar Ali for directions. He took her to his house, raped her, and gave her money for a bus fare home. A man named Shakil Chowdhury pulled up in his car and offered her a ride home. He abducted her and took her to a house where he and four other men repeatedly raped her.

In Manchester, Victoria Agoglia was continually drugged and raped before receiving a fatal dose of heroin when she was 15. In Blackpool, 14-year-old Charlene Downes disappeared near a takeaway restaurant in 2003. In 2007, prosecutors alleged her killers dismembered her and combined her remains with minced meat for kebabs. They failed to obtain a conviction. The suspects remain at large.

There are thousands of stories like this. For years, gangs of Pakistani origin have drugged, raped, beaten, tortured, trafficked and even murdered underage women throughout the country. The social staff knew what was going on. They saw cars with darkened windows stopping at night in front of the children’s houses. The police knew what was going on. ” Anna” said an “Asian officer” picked her and her friend up one night in Rotherham and took them back to their children’s home. The councilors and deputies knew it. The social staff and the distraught mothers and fathers asked them for help.

Instead of helping the girls, the authorities protected their persecutors. 

The victims were almost entirely underage white girls from poor and disturbed backgrounds. Many of them were living in care homes. Their rapists were mostly Muslims with a Pakistani background. The police, like the rapists, dismissed the girls as worthless “white slags.” Police in Rotherham told the father of a 15-year-old who had been raped that she might now “learn her lesson.” The assault was so brutal that she required surgery. But the cover-up was about more than old-fashioned class snobbery or sexism. It was backed by the multicultural method of government. The girls were human sacrifices on the altar of political correctness.

Since the 1950s, and especially since the 1990s, mass immigration has turned Britain into a multireligious and multiracial society. The government and police have managed this rapid and unprecedented transformation through “community relations.” This means cultivating close contacts with ethnic minority “communities” and their leaders and directing state resources to their communities. The politicization of the police is not an accidental outcome of this policy but its purpose: Policing is an instrument for creating “community cohesion.” 

The incidental effects of “community relations” come with block voting and, in the case of Muslim immigrants, with the appointment of mosque leaders as official interlocutors and spokesmen. This led to the permanent consolidation of neighborhoods and, in cities with gigantic immigrant populations such as Bradford, to permanent management through Pakistanis. The Labor Party, like the Democrats in the United States, has capitalized on its electoral potential.

The result presents the classic symptoms of urban politics, with one difference. The police, municipal councilors and the social welfare formula are connected through a network of corruption and clientelism, presided over by a single party. The difference is that American-style urban policy is based on raw numbers. This is not the case in England. In Anotherham, according to a 2015 survey, Pakistanis made up only 3% of the population. No one in Rotherham was looking to “get out the vote”. They sought to suppress the fact that a small minority of the city’s population was practicing a new and horrible form of organized crime.

The government did not act and actively suppressed the event because it favored a non-white minority and feared the reaction of the white majority. In Otherham, a senior police officer reportedly stated that the rapes “have been going on for 30 years”, but “As they are Asian, we cannot allow that to be revealed”. Another senior official said during a 2015 inquiry into Rotherham City Council that the government was involved in the city being known as “the child abuse capital of the North” and “no, we don’t need riots”.

In 2010, West Midlands Police identified almost 140 victims, some as young as 13 years old, and 75 suspects, most of them Pakistani Muslims from Birmingham. The report admitted that the combination of the “predominant offender profile of Pakistani Muslim males” and the “predominant victim profile of white females” had “the potential to cause significant community tensions.” The West Midlands Police leadership suppressed the report because, it later admitted, it did not want trouble in the weeks before the 2010 general elections. The report was released in 2015 after a freedom of information request. 

The story came out slowly through the efforts of a handful of women. In 2000, a Home Office researcher was seconded to Rotherham Council to study child prostitution in the town. She identified more than 270 victims of trafficking and underage prostitution by mainly Pakistani Muslim gangs. She notified the chief constable of South Yorkshire Police, but the police did nothing. When she presented her report to councilors, she was told she must “never, ever” mention the race or religion of the abusers. The council’s child protection office sent her on a two-day “ethnicity and diversity course.” The data that supported her report came from Risky Business, a council initiative against underage prostitution. Rotherham Council closed Risky Business in 2011.

It is unclear whether the Home Office in London was aware as early as 2002 of what was happening in Rotherham. The first police investigation was not opened until 2010. The first convictions came in 2011, when five men of Pakistani origin were imprisoned for crimes against women as young as 12 years old in Rotherham. A 2014 investigation estimated that 1,400 women had been serial raped. This trend was repeated in as many as 50 cities across the country, with leafy Oxford and liberal Bristol added.

A series of local trials and investigations took place in the 2010s and culminated in a 2022 report by Scottish social worker Alexis Jay, which made 20 recommendations to improve policing. When there was a trial or when an inquiry presented its report, the London media talked about Then the media turned to political gossip about Westminster. Meanwhile, the British public learned that the formula had not actually collapsed, but rather had helped fuel a form of mass crime of almost unimaginable scale and depravity.

The demands involved not only government agencies, but also the unanimous consensus among politicians and the media that Britain had dealt with mass immigration with exclusive success. However, the Conservative government, the Labour opposition and the mainstream media have only proposed procedural reforms, for example advising that the police should be more receptive to women when they say they had been raped. They gave the impression that this was a challenge that had to be managed, like drug trafficking or illegal immigration. Politicians and the media classified anyone under pressure that the attackers were Pakistani Muslims and discussed their apparent racial and devout motivations as “far-right. “

There is no national evaluation. There have been local investigations in Rotherham, Telford and Rochdale, but not in Oxford, Manchester, Liverpool or any of the dozens of towns where convictions have been obtained. A 2015 national report looked at just a few regions, only one of which had a problem with rape gangs in Pakistan, and concluded that there is no racial or religious component.

There has never been an investigation into the Yorkshire town of Bradford, which has one of the largest Pakistani Muslim populations in Britain.   Robbie Moore, Conservative MP for the neighboring constituencies of Keighley and Ilkley, told the House of Commons on January 6 that “gangs of rapists” had been “haunting” Bradford for decades. eclipses that of Rotherham.

Public outrage and insufficient political and media backlash turned Tommy Robinson into a folk hero. Robinson, a working-class white Englishman, from Luton, a city with a gigantic Pakistani population. His cousin had been treated. Robinson, a former football hooligan and former member of the neo-fascist British National Party, gathered the “football boys” of the English Defence League and live-streamed rapist gangs in court. He has recently been in prison for contempt of court and in solitary confinement for his own safety.

The Labor Party’s parliamentary strength is based on urban Muslim votes. This means cultivating “community relations” at a local level, which has created not unusual interest among Labour, the social bureaucracy and the police. The entire edifice of the politically correct class The State is collapsing. This will bury the Labor Party.

From 1998 to 2006, Shabir Ahmed, a member of the Labor Party, was recruited through Oldham Council as a social officer in the Social Rights Unit attached to the Pakistan Community Center in Oldham. In 2012, he was found guilty of 32 counts of rape, aiding and abetting rape, sexual assault, and trafficking for sexual exploitation.

Lewis Quigg, a Conservative member of the Oldham Council, said on Jan. 3 that the Labour-controlled council has blocked an inquiry “six times” in the last two years. “This is historic, as in going back, but it’s also the fact that these grooming gangs are still operating.”

In 2016, Lucy Allan, the former Conservative MP for Telford, asked the Home Office to launch an inquiry into Telford’s rape gangs. Ten members of the Oldham Council wrote to then-Conservative Home Secretary Amber Rudd, arguing against an inquiry. The signatories included the town’s director of children’s and adult services, the Cabinet member for children, young people, and communities, the chairman of the Children and Young People Scrutiny Committee, the crime commissioner of West Mercia Police, and the council’s Labour leader, Shaun Davies. An independent inquiry counted more than 1,000 cases of child rape in Telford. Davies is now a Labour MP and sits on the Home Affairs Select Committee.

In 2017, Simon Danczuk, the Labour MP for Rochdale from 2010 to 2017, told Alexis Jay that two Labour MPs from neighboring constituencies, Jim Dobbin and Tony Lloyd, warned him not to discuss the ethnicity of the perpetrators, for fear of losing votes. Lloyd became police commissioner for Greater Manchester in 2012. When Danczuk wrote an article criticizing the Manchester police for failing to pursue the gangs, Lloyd, he says, phoned him and threatened to “bounce him from Rochdale to Westminster.” Lloyd inherited Danczuk’s seat in 2017.

No wonder Labour now refuses to hold a national inquiry. Like the Home Office, the welfare bureaucracy, and the police, Labour is implicated at all levels. Local Labour politicians of Pakistani background interfered with police inquiries. Senior MPs threatened colleagues who spoke out. Yvette Cooper, the home secretary, currently employs Amanda Chadderton, who was removed by Oldham’s voters for blocking efforts to hold an inquiry. The prime minister, Keir Starmer, was director of public prosecutions at the Crown Prosecution Service from 2008 to 2015. His mixed record is already under examination.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER

In 2009, the Starmer-led CPS abandoned the prosecution of a gang of rapists and groomers in Rochdale despite the availability of DNA evidence and hours of video testimony. When Nazir Afzal began running for Crown prosecutor in 2011, he overturned the CPS decision. In 2012, Afzal secured the conviction of eight Pakistanis and one Afghan. Afzal later said that “white professionals’ hypersensitive reaction to political correctness and concern about appearing racist would have possibly contributed to the blockage of justice. ”

On January 6, Starmer accused those calling for a full investigation of “jumping on bandwagons” to gain attention and “amplify what the far right is saying. ” Elon Musk has already drawn the world’s attention to Britain. There is no such thing. a serious “extreme right”. By blocking a national investigation, the Labor Party confirms its historic role in the scandal. The count has begun.

Dominic Green is a columnist for the Washington Examiner and a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. Find him on X @drdominicgreen.